Current Search: Politics (x)
Pages
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Title
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Mussolini: Dottrina politica e sociale del fascismo.
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Creator
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Mussolini, Benito 1883-1945, Partito nazionale fascista (Italy) Gioventù fascista
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Abstract/Description
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The political and social doctrine of fascism of Mussolini.
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/fauwflb2f24
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Subject Headings
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Fascism -- Italy, Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945
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Format
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E-book
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Title
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An analysis of religiosity in the United States: testing the secure society theory.
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Creator
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Liddle, James, Bjorklund, David F., Shackelford, Todd K., Florida Atlantic University, Charles E. Schmidt College of Science, Department of Psychology
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Abstract/Description
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The current study sought set to replicate and extend previous findings regarding Norris and Inglehart’s (2004) “Secure Society Theory” (SST) of religiosity, which states that religiosity varies as a function of the extent to which one feels secure in their environment. However, the relationship between individual perceptions of societal security—as opposed to national indicators—and religiosity has yet to be tested. The current study addressed this by analyzing data from the General Social...
Show moreThe current study sought set to replicate and extend previous findings regarding Norris and Inglehart’s (2004) “Secure Society Theory” (SST) of religiosity, which states that religiosity varies as a function of the extent to which one feels secure in their environment. However, the relationship between individual perceptions of societal security—as opposed to national indicators—and religiosity has yet to be tested. The current study addressed this by analyzing data from the General Social Survey, supplemented by FBI and U.S. Census data. Results indicated that the extent to which one feels safe walking around their neighborhood at night is a significant predictor of religiosity, even when crime rate, poverty rate, age, sex, and race are also considered. Additionally, time series analyses of data from 1980 to 2012 with a lag of 10 years provided partial support for SST, with neighborhood fear and poverty significantly predicting future religiosity.
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Date Issued
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2014
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/FA00004302
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Subject Headings
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Religion and politics, Religion and sociology, Secularism, Security (Psychology)
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Decade of progress: origins of the Pérez art museum Miami.
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Creator
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Ando, Erica, Brown, Susan Love, Florida Atlantic University, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters, Department of Anthropology
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Abstract/Description
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This dissertation reconstructs and investigates the origins of the Pérez Art Museum Miami. In 2013, the museum re-opened in a new, county-funded building to great acclaim and international attention, but the museum’s origins in the 1970s have been largely forgotten. A result of the 1972 “Decade of Progress” bond vote by county taxpayers that allocated funds to build a new art museum, the museum opened as the Center for the Fine Arts in 1983 as a non-collecting institution dedicated to...
Show moreThis dissertation reconstructs and investigates the origins of the Pérez Art Museum Miami. In 2013, the museum re-opened in a new, county-funded building to great acclaim and international attention, but the museum’s origins in the 1970s have been largely forgotten. A result of the 1972 “Decade of Progress” bond vote by county taxpayers that allocated funds to build a new art museum, the museum opened as the Center for the Fine Arts in 1983 as a non-collecting institution dedicated to displaying traveling exhibitions. The new institution represented the combined efforts of local government, business, and art to construct not only a place in which to view art but also as part of an overall plan to create a great metropolitan area.
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Date Issued
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2014
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/FA00004263, http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/FA00004263
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Subject Headings
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Pérez Art Museum Miami., Museums--Philosophy., Politics and culture.
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Opposition politics and populism: a comparative analysis of South American populist governments.
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Creator
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Weiss, Morgan Alissa., Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters, Department of Political Science
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Abstract/Description
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This thesis examines the relationship between the political opposition and populism. The goal is to identify when, how, and under what circumstances an opposition to a populist leader affects change to the political system. A comparative historical analysis is employed as five case studies from South America are examined. The evidence presented in these case studies demonstrates that the political oppositions in each country were unsuccessful in affecting change to their respective political...
Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship between the political opposition and populism. The goal is to identify when, how, and under what circumstances an opposition to a populist leader affects change to the political system. A comparative historical analysis is employed as five case studies from South America are examined. The evidence presented in these case studies demonstrates that the political oppositions in each country were unsuccessful in affecting change to their respective political systems. They were unable to demobilize the support base that the populist leaders had created. Change came to the political systems in four out of the five case studies only when the populist leader's actions demobilized his support and not from the actions of the opposition.
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Date Issued
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2009
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FAU/192993
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Subject Headings
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Opposition (Political science), Political culture, Political leadership, Populism, Politics and government
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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CHINESE NUCLEAR WEAPONS POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT, 1945-1964: SOVIET AND AMERICAN INFLUENCES.
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Creator
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RYAN, MARK ANTHONY., Florida Atlantic University, Dow, Tsung-I
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Abstract/Description
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Chinese nuclear weapons policy reflected, to a significant degree, the pressures and influences exerted by the Soviet Union and the United States. It seems certain that the Chinese perception of national and international interest would inevitably have led to the development of an independent nuclear weapons system, but that eventual decision emerged in response to specific Soviet and U.S. policies. A pattern of Sino-American military confrontations during the 1950's, in which there were...
Show moreChinese nuclear weapons policy reflected, to a significant degree, the pressures and influences exerted by the Soviet Union and the United States. It seems certain that the Chinese perception of national and international interest would inevitably have led to the development of an independent nuclear weapons system, but that eventual decision emerged in response to specific Soviet and U.S. policies. A pattern of Sino-American military confrontations during the 1950's, in which there were implicit and explicit U.S. warnings of the use of nuclear weapons against China, precipitated the Chinese decision to develop nuclear weapons. The Soviet Union extended significant technological assistance to the Chinese nuclear program, particularly in the years 1957 to 1959. Ambiguity in the Soviet policy on nuclear assistance to China, followed by the cut-off of aid to the program in 1959, was crucial to the Sino-Soviet split and reinforced the Chinese decision to proceed independently with a nuclear weapons program. From 1959 to 1964 the Chinese program was a unilateral effort, although dependent on facilities of Soviet design and American and Western European trained scientists.
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Date Issued
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1979
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/13997
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Subject Headings
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Nuclear disarmament, China--Politics and government--1949-1976
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Between the lines: The politics of passenger rail service, 1958--1970.
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Creator
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Alcorn, Aaron Luke, Florida Atlantic University, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters, Department of History
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Abstract/Description
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For many modern Americans, the passenger train is but a distant memory, an artifact of the past. In the postwar United States, the status of passenger rail service deteriorated significantly. There were many reasons for this decline, but large subsidies enabled by federal highway and air transportation policies greatly favored alternate forms of traffic at the passenger train's expense. Realizing that rail service in this country was either on the verge of extinction or nationalization,...
Show moreFor many modern Americans, the passenger train is but a distant memory, an artifact of the past. In the postwar United States, the status of passenger rail service deteriorated significantly. There were many reasons for this decline, but large subsidies enabled by federal highway and air transportation policies greatly favored alternate forms of traffic at the passenger train's expense. Realizing that rail service in this country was either on the verge of extinction or nationalization, Congress and President Richard M. Nixon sought to preserve a modest network of passenger trains through the Rail Passenger Service Act of 1970, which created the publicly subsidized corporation Amtrak. This study looks at changing transportation policies following World War II and ultimately identifies the role that politics played in the decline of the passenger train and the creation of Amtrak.
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Date Issued
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2001
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/12785
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Subject Headings
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History, United States, Political Science, Public Administration, Transportation
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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A COMPARISON OF PUBLIC EDUCATION ROLL-CALL VOTES IN THE 1977 FLORIDA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
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Creator
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KARLISS, STACEY MORSE., Florida Atlantic University, Weppner, Daniel B.
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Abstract/Description
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It was the purpose of this study to determine whether support for public education differed among members of the 1977 Florida House of Representatives. Fourteen education roll-call votes were identified as measures of support for public education. Roll-calls were classified into five legislation dimensions based on common subject content. Dimension and number of votes in each were: aggregate (14), tax (3), appropriations (3), compensatory education (2), and collective bargaining (4). Scores...
Show moreIt was the purpose of this study to determine whether support for public education differed among members of the 1977 Florida House of Representatives. Fourteen education roll-call votes were identified as measures of support for public education. Roll-calls were classified into five legislation dimensions based on common subject content. Dimension and number of votes in each were: aggregate (14), tax (3), appropriations (3), compensatory education (2), and collective bargaining (4). Scores were calculated for each Representative on each dimension. Scores were sums of positive votes within a dimension. Subjects for this study were the members of Florida's 1977 House of Representatives. Representatives were categorically grouped by school attendance classification, party affiliation, and school attendance classification with party affiliation. School attendance classifications were: "public," having one or more children attending public school(s) exclusively; "non-public," having one or more children attending non-public school(s); and "non-attending," having no children attending school. Categoric group scores were computed. Data were analyzed by one way analyses of variance. The .05 level of significance was employed. Upon analysis of results, the following conclusions and implications were formulated. (1) Representatives' support for public education was shaped by an interplay of political self-interests with personal self-interests. (2) Having children attending school mediated political party affects on legislators' roll-call votes. (3) School attendance classification with party affiliation had mixed results in differentiating support for public education. (4) By itself, party affiliation differentiated Representatives' support for public education. (5) By itself, school attendance classification did not differentiate Representatives' support for public education.
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Date Issued
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1980
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/11751
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Subject Headings
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Education--Political aspects, Public schools--Florida
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Examining performance variables of non-governmental organizations.
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Creator
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Espirito Santo, Sofia do, Florida Atlantic University, Washington, Charles W.
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Abstract/Description
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Over the past twenty years, there has been a significant increase of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) participating in development activities. However, there does not exist in the literature clear and agreed upon measures of performance of successful or high performing NGOs. This dissertation examines three organizational factors affecting NGO performance: characteristics, strategies, and functions. It employs a Delphi Method and a mail survey of 399 U.S.-based NGOs registered with the...
Show moreOver the past twenty years, there has been a significant increase of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) participating in development activities. However, there does not exist in the literature clear and agreed upon measures of performance of successful or high performing NGOs. This dissertation examines three organizational factors affecting NGO performance: characteristics, strategies, and functions. It employs a Delphi Method and a mail survey of 399 U.S.-based NGOs registered with the United States Agency for International Development as of October 1, 1996. Organizational variables, such as decision-making, organizational structure, span of control and hierarchy, communications, types of interactions, program areas, intervening strategies, and diversified funding are identified and rated as highly relevant to NGO performance by the executive officials of the responding NGOs. The study finds that: (1) specific variables related to the organizational characteristics of NGOs were perceived as more important to high performance than the variables related to the strategies and functions of NGOs; (2) responding NGO executives show a positive orientation (perhaps bias) towards both self-assessment of the level of performance of their NGOs and assessment of the importance of organizational variables identified by the Delphi group and the literature; (3) most executives considered their organizations as high performers, but the relationship between positive self-assessment of performance by NGO executives and the variables that define characteristics, strategies, and functions was found not to be statistically significant; (4) there is not a typical organizational pattern by which NGOs can be described because of their diverse and collaborative operational arrangements. This study provides to the field of public administration, organizational studies, public policy, and development administration a better understanding of organizational variables considered important to NGOs' performance from the viewpoint of NGO executives. It employs a methodology not typically associated with public administration research, and its findings take us one step further in the direction of explaining key organizational factors influencing high performance of NGOs and the variables that define these factors.
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Date Issued
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2001
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/11957
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Subject Headings
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Non-governmental organizations, Nonprofit organizations, Political development
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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If citizens talk back, do administrators listen? A structural equation model of administrative responsiveness to citizens.
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Creator
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Alkadry, Mohamad Ghazi, Florida Atlantic University, Miller, Hugh T.
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Abstract/Description
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This dissertation investigates the potential for discourse between citizens and front-line administrators---those who directly deal with citizens. It focuses on the ability and willingness of public servants to be responsive to citizens with whom they interact. There are two methods of investigation used in this dissertation: theoretical and quantitative. Citizen ability and willingness to participate in this discourse is examined using existing theory. Administrator willingness and ability...
Show moreThis dissertation investigates the potential for discourse between citizens and front-line administrators---those who directly deal with citizens. It focuses on the ability and willingness of public servants to be responsive to citizens with whom they interact. There are two methods of investigation used in this dissertation: theoretical and quantitative. Citizen ability and willingness to participate in this discourse is examined using existing theory. Administrator willingness and ability is examined using theoretical and quantitative methods. The purpose of this dissertation is two-fold. First, it identifies a point of access to administration at which the public is willing and able to participate. In doing so, it attempts to find a point of access and a form of participation that would give able and willing citizens some power in the process. This dissertation examines the concept of citizen "talk back" to administrators at the service delivery stage in public bureaucracies. Second, it examines theoretical assumptions about administrator willingness and ability to act on citizen feedback. According to critiques of technical rational organizations, administrators might be neither willing nor able to process and act upon citizen feedback. First, the dissertation explores the questions of why citizens participate, which citizens participate, how citizens participate, and different manifestations of citizen participation in the field of public administration. Meaningful participation empowers citizens at the same time that it provides information about citizen preferences. Willingness and ability of citizens to participate in the policy and administrative process is essential for meaningful citizen participation. To examine these assumptions, the dissertation presents the results of an analysis of brief interviews with ten citizens. Second, the dissertation explores theoretical arguments about organizational rationality and the effect of the "bureaucratic experience," resulting from administrator-bureaucracy interaction, on administrator willingness to be responsive to citizens. A structural equation model is used to test these theoretical arguments. Data from 147 administrators are collected using a survey instrument of 38 questions. The research results show that the structure of technical rational organizations constrains the ability of administrators to be responsive to citizens. The research also examines the effect of structural enablers, or ability of administrators to respond to citizen talk back, on personal enablers, or the willingness of administrators to respond to citizen talk back.
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Date Issued
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2000
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/12634
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Subject Headings
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Public administration--Citizen participation, Political participation, Bureaucracy
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Party Competition as a Function of Demographic Variables.
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Creator
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Corbett, A. M., Huckshorn, Robert J., Florida Atlantic University, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters, Department of Political Science
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Abstract/Description
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The general hypothesis is that variation in party competition can be accounted for in terms of socio-economic diversity. Since this general hypothesis is not amenable to direct testing, eleven lowerlevel hypotheses concerning the relationship between party competition and variation in socio-economic structure were used. The county was the unit of analysis. Party competition was measured for two levelsthe presidential and the gubernatorial--for each county. Party competition was defined at...
Show moreThe general hypothesis is that variation in party competition can be accounted for in terms of socio-economic diversity. Since this general hypothesis is not amenable to direct testing, eleven lowerlevel hypotheses concerning the relationship between party competition and variation in socio-economic structure were used. The county was the unit of analysis. Party competition was measured for two levelsthe presidential and the gubernatorial--for each county. Party competition was defined at each level in teras of the percentage of the vote which a county gave to the candidate who failed to carry the county. For the presidential levelf an average was taken for the 1956 and 1960 elections. Por the gubernatorial level, an average was taken for the elections between 1956 and 1960. The higher is the average, the higher is party competition for the county. Measured thusly, party competition was predicted to vary directly with: (1) per cent urban; (2) median income for the county; (3) median number of years of education of those twenty-five years of age or older; (4) the degree of income variation for the county; (5) the degree of variation in number of years of school completed by those twenty-five years of age or older in the county; (6) the degree of dispersion among the major occupational categories within the county; (7) population density per square mile; (8) the per cent of the labor force engaged in white-collar occupations; (9) the per cent Negro of the county population. Party competition was predicted to vary inversely with (l) the extent to which urbanism in a county deviated from fifty per cent ; and , (2) the extent to which the per cent employed in white-collar occupations deviated from fifty per cent. Multiple correlation and regression analysiB was used to teat the hypotheses. A selected sample was used, consisting of the counties of two sets of states. The Homogeneous Set consisted of the counties of Maine, New Hampshire, Wyoming, and North Dakota. The Heterogeneous Set consisted of the counties of New Jersey and Ohio. Also, these two sets were combined to form a Combined Set. The multiple correlation coefficients indicated that party competition could be accounted for in terms of socio-economic diversity to a significant degree at the presidential level but not at the gubernatorial level for each of the sets. However, many of the relationships were not in the predicted direction, indicating that party competition will not necessarily increase with all types of socio-economic diversity. A surprising finding was that the relationships between party competition and the independent variables were often reversed for the two ballot levels . It was suggested that perhaps two party systems are operating in these states at the different ballot levels. The most consistent finding was the negative relationship-contrary to the predicted positive relationship--between party competition and the median educational level of a county. Several others of the independent variables were found to have some tmportance, but there were many inconsistencies in the findings between the ballot levels and, to a lesser extent, between the sets of counties. The results auagest that the simple linear model which vas used might need complicating; the relationships may be more complex than can be accommodated by a linear model.
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Date Issued
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1968
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/FA00012585
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Subject Headings
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Political parties--United States, Geopolitics, Demography--United States
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Carpetbag rule in Florida : the inside workings of the reconstruction of civil government in Florida after the close of the Civil War.
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Creator
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Wallace, John
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Abstract/Description
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Quadricentennial Edition of the Floridian Facsimile Reprint Series of the 1888 editions with prefatory material, introduction notes, and index added. New material copyright by the Board of Commissioners of State Institutions of Florida. Lithoprinted by Douglas Printing Company, Inc. Jacksonville, Florida
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Date Issued
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1964
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/FA00000389
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Subject Headings
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Race relations -- Political aspects, African Americans -- Politics and government, Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877), Florida -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950, Southern States -- Race relations -- Political aspects -- History -- 19th century
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Format
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E-book
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Title
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Soul Bubba: President Clinton's use of the rhetoric of inclusion to ensure the loyalty of the Congressional Black Caucus.
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Creator
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Bernard-Bastien, Sandra Elizabeth, Florida Atlantic University, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters, School of Communication and Multimedia Studies
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Abstract/Description
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Clinton's success in engendering loyalty in the African-American, despite his failure to deliver socio-economic and political benefits, presents us with an apparent paradox. The contention is that the answer to this paradox could be found in the rhetorical style and strategies habitually employed by Clinton when speaking to African-Americans. What Clinton said to black America is important, but how he said it, is even more so. Through a critical examination of his eight speeches to the...
Show moreClinton's success in engendering loyalty in the African-American, despite his failure to deliver socio-economic and political benefits, presents us with an apparent paradox. The contention is that the answer to this paradox could be found in the rhetorical style and strategies habitually employed by Clinton when speaking to African-Americans. What Clinton said to black America is important, but how he said it, is even more so. Through a critical examination of his eight speeches to the Congressional Black Caucus' Annual Dinner, using rhetorical theory, this research examines how Clinton said what he said. In utilizing the critical approach that examines stylistic techniques, it analyzes his rhetorical strategies within the framework of what I term a "rhetoric of inclusion." This concept embraces six rhetorical strategies that enhance identification and authority. Scanned through the prism of these strategies, the research shows that Clinton's rhetoric provided him with a distinct voice that was very effective in ensuring the loyalty of the Congressional Black Caucus.
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Date Issued
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2001
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/12786
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Subject Headings
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Biography, Black Studies, Political Science, General, Language, Rhetoric and Composition
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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THE RHETORICAL RISE OF THE “MITO” AND “TROPICAL TRUMP”: HOW BOLSONARO USED A TRUMP PERSONA AND US IMAGERY IN HIS RHETORICAL APPEALS.
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Creator
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Markwith, Greice Figueiredo, Williams, David Cratis, Florida Atlantic University, School of Communication and Multimedia Studies, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters
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Abstract/Description
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In the elections of 2018, Brazilians chose Jair Messias Bolsonaro, the first Far-Right candidate, to be the future President of Brazil. In a 28-year political trajectory, he changed political parties eight times. The constant change demonstrates his ability to use rhetorical devices and adapt to new appeals. The researcher of this work outlined Bolsonaro’s rhetorical rise, tested his rhetorical personae, “mito” and “Tropical Trump” based on the work of Ware in Linkugel (1982). No other...
Show moreIn the elections of 2018, Brazilians chose Jair Messias Bolsonaro, the first Far-Right candidate, to be the future President of Brazil. In a 28-year political trajectory, he changed political parties eight times. The constant change demonstrates his ability to use rhetorical devices and adapt to new appeals. The researcher of this work outlined Bolsonaro’s rhetorical rise, tested his rhetorical personae, “mito” and “Tropical Trump” based on the work of Ware in Linkugel (1982). No other foreign candidate mirrored Trump as much as he did. Bolsonaro also used US imagery in videos, borrowing images and terminologies found in the US culture. By analyzing his rhetorical strategies, the researcher identified Bolsonaro’s representative anecdote in his appeals that led to his rhetorical motivation as outlined by Burke’s dramatism.
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Date Issued
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2022
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/FA00013944
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Subject Headings
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Bolsonaro, Jair, 1955-, Rhetoric--Political aspects--Brazil
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Handbook: American Labor party.
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Creator
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American Labor Party
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Date Issued
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1937
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FCLA/DT/2709672
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Subject Headings
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Labor movement --New York (State) --Handbooks, manuals, etc., Labor unions --Political activity --United States., Working class --Political activity --United States.
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Labor parties of Latin America.
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Creator
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Alexander, Robert
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Date Issued
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1942
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/DT/3359817
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Subject Headings
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Labor -- South America, Political parties -- South America, South America -- Politics and government -- 20th century, Working class -- South America
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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"_ Love her _ hate her (Check one)": priming effects of magazine covers in the 2008 Presidential campaign.
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Creator
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Montgomery, Samantha, Harriet L. Wilkes Honors College
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Abstract/Description
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The primary objective of this research was to investigate the effects of passive exposure to actual media primes on several measures of attitudes. Participants rated the aesthetic properties of a series of Time magazine covers prior to completing measures of ambivalent sexism, narcissism, system justification, and personality traits. Ambivalent Sexism (AS) includes two positively correlated components, benevolent sexism and hostile sexism. System Justification may be defined as a motivated...
Show moreThe primary objective of this research was to investigate the effects of passive exposure to actual media primes on several measures of attitudes. Participants rated the aesthetic properties of a series of Time magazine covers prior to completing measures of ambivalent sexism, narcissism, system justification, and personality traits. Ambivalent Sexism (AS) includes two positively correlated components, benevolent sexism and hostile sexism. System Justification may be defined as a motivated investment in the status-quo and includes both gender-specific and diffuse forms. Participants exposed to the AS prime scored higher on Ambivalent Sexism, lower on Narcissism, and lower on several facets of the five factor model of personality. Exposure to this condition was unrelated to measures of System Justification. The research is grounded in a feminist theoretical framework and contributes to the limited pool of experimental knowledge concerning the relationship between ambivalent sexism, system justification, narcissism and personality traits.
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Date Issued
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2008
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FAU/77680
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Subject Headings
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Political campaigns, Presidents, Election, Mass media, Political aspects
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Secularism in Latin America?: looking at the effects of social welfare and leftist parties on religiosity.
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Creator
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Pena, Alan Manuel., Harriet L. Wilkes Honors College
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Abstract/Description
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Researchers sometimes classify religious organizations as rational actors, arguing that religious organizations attempt to minimize costs and maximize membership. Anthony Gill and Erik Lundsgaarde use the rational actor model to explain organized religion's diminished competitiveness and the correlated increase in secularity against governments with high social welfare programs. They conclude that government welfare programs contribute to increased secularity. Survey data indicates that Chile...
Show moreResearchers sometimes classify religious organizations as rational actors, arguing that religious organizations attempt to minimize costs and maximize membership. Anthony Gill and Erik Lundsgaarde use the rational actor model to explain organized religion's diminished competitiveness and the correlated increase in secularity against governments with high social welfare programs. They conclude that government welfare programs contribute to increased secularity. Survey data indicates that Chile, Cuba, and Uruguay have significantly higher proportions of secularity relative to the rest of the region. This thesis tests the hypothesis that increased secularity in Chile, Cuba, and Uruguay is caused not only by Gill and Lundsgaarde's social welfare hypothesis, but also by the historical presence of far left parties in these nations. The ideologies of longstanding far left parties are often anti-religious and may contribute to increased secularity, suggesting that leftist parties may be a predictor of increased secularity in a country. Welfare, as times passes, becomes a stronger predictor of decreased religious behavior.
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Date Issued
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2008
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FAU/77682
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Subject Headings
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Religion and politics, Church and state, History, Political parties
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Right-libertarians, the Fair Tax, and big government.
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Creator
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Brittian, Joseph A., Harriet L. Wilkes Honors College
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Abstract/Description
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I begin by identifying right-libertarians as individuals who believe, foremost, that legislators should reduce the size of the national government. A number of right-libertarians support a Congressional tax reform proposal, the Fair Tax. This support is surprising because the bill is revenue neutral : it therefore does not directly address concerns over increasing Congressional spending or growth of government. Are right-libertarians sacrificing their principles for expediency or is there...
Show moreI begin by identifying right-libertarians as individuals who believe, foremost, that legislators should reduce the size of the national government. A number of right-libertarians support a Congressional tax reform proposal, the Fair Tax. This support is surprising because the bill is revenue neutral : it therefore does not directly address concerns over increasing Congressional spending or growth of government. Are right-libertarians sacrificing their principles for expediency or is there some other explanation? I argue right-libertarians mainly support the bill because they (1) believe Congress would abolish the IRS as soon as it went into effect, increasing citizens' privacy in the process ; and (2) view it as a gradual reform that would lead to further legislation intended to reduce the size of government.
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Date Issued
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2012
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/FAU/3359294
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Subject Headings
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Libertarianism, Political participation, History, Third parties (United States politics), History, Income tax, Law and legislation
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Format
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Document (PDF)
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Title
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Discorso pronunciato al Reichstag germanico il 30 gennaio 1937 da Adolfo Hitler [Speech delivered by Adolf Hitler in the German Reichstag on January 30th 1937. ].
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Creator
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Hitler, Adolf 1889-1945
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Abstract/Description
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Speech delivered in the German Reichstag on National Socialism and world relations. Translated from German to Italian.
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fau/fd/fauwflb2f26
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Subject Headings
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Germany -- Politics and government -- 1933-1945, National socialism, Germany -- Foreign relations, Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945
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Format
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E-book
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Title
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Public intellectuals in Latin America: Writers and politics [and] Quetzalcoatl's Feathers.
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Creator
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Canivell, Maria Odette., Florida Atlantic University, Covino, William A.
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Abstract/Description
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The role of the Intellectual in Latin America has been marked by his/her political activism. Whether engaging in nation-building like Sarmiento or Marti; or fighting against corruption and tyranny, like Vargas Llosa or the group of Chilean intellectuals who helped bring democracy back to Chile, intellectuals in Latin America leave the relative isolation of the academic world to enter the political arena. This doctoral work, divided in two parts (an academic essay and a novel), explores the...
Show moreThe role of the Intellectual in Latin America has been marked by his/her political activism. Whether engaging in nation-building like Sarmiento or Marti; or fighting against corruption and tyranny, like Vargas Llosa or the group of Chilean intellectuals who helped bring democracy back to Chile, intellectuals in Latin America leave the relative isolation of the academic world to enter the political arena. This doctoral work, divided in two parts (an academic essay and a novel), explores the struggle of intellectuals, in particular writers, who are required to function as high level politicians due to structural weaknesses in the political systems of their countries. I argue that Latin American intellectuals feel compelled to serve as politicians to fill in the void left by traditional political parties. Among the reasons I cite to support my claim are inefficient political institutions; government corruption; a weak state unable to support the necessary requirements for democracy; and popular demand, all of which call for public intellectuals to step up to the plate and amend the "perceived" prevailing political chaos. The first part of the dissertation, Public Intellectuals in Latin America: Writers and Politics, compares the achievements of intellectuals in Europe, China and the United States with that of their Latin American counterparts. The second contains an in-depth analysis of Latin American intellectuals focusing on three case studies: Sarmiento, Vargas Llosa and the group of Chilean intellectuals who were key in the transition to democracy in Chile. To round up the discussion, I include an interview with two modern day intellectuals: Dr. Eduardo Gamarra, a political analyst and Dr. Victor Bulmer-Thomas, director of the Royal Institute of Foreign Affairs. The second part, Quetzalcoatl's Feathers, is a satirical work of fiction conceived as a mordant attack on stereotypes. Set in a fictional community of English-speaking Ixil Indians (inhabiting a remote area of the Guatemalan Highlands) the novel addresses issues of ethnicity, cultural imperialism and bilingualism, as it illustrates the misadventures of two misguided, if well intentioned, fictional intellectuals bent on bringing prosperity (with careless disregard for the human cost) to their marginalized community.
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Date Issued
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2004
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PURL
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http://purl.flvc.org/fcla/dt/12098
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Subject Headings
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Political culture--Latin America, Intellectuals--Latin America--Political activity, Latin America--Social conditions
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Format
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Document (PDF)
Pages